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Global worker No1 2022

Global worker No2 2022

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The IMF will only be as strong as its affiliates and will only have the power its affiliates give to it. Therefore, our priority is building strong national trade unions that, in a permanent democratic relationship with workers, are capable of achieving real gains through collective bargaining, by organising the unorganised, striving for trade union unity at the national level and building unions through training, education and effective exchange of information.

Preface

3. GLOBAL SOLIDARITY IN ACTION

3.3 Defend and protect workers rights

1. OUR MISSION

2. THE WORLD TODAY

2.1 Profits over people

2.2 Unemployment and job insecurity

2.3 Unions under attack

2.4 Fundamental workers´ rights denied

2.5 Spreading influence of Transnational Corporations

2.6 World trade system in disarray

2.7 An unsustainable future

2.8 Alliances, resistance and opportunities

3.1 Build strong national trade unions

3.1.1 Organise the unorganised

3.1.2 Strive for trade union unity at the national level

3.1.3 Build unions through education, training and effective exchange of information

3.2 Strengthening collective bargaining

3.3.1 Fight for trade union rights

3.3.2 Fight for Equal Rights

3.3.3 Fight for safe workplaces

3.4 Build a counterweight to the power of transnational corporations

3.4.1 Strengthening union solidarity and cooperation across sectors and TNCs

3.4.2 Advance fundamental rights through International Framework Agreements

Every year more than two million people die from occupational accidents or work-related diseases. The safety of work varies enormously between countries, economic sectors and social groups. Deaths and injuries take a particularly heavy toll in developing nations.  Downsizing, outsourcing, sub-contracting and temporary labour create bad working conditions. Although the physical workplace environment has improved considerably during the course of the last decades, millions of men and women around the world are still working in hazardous conditions.  Therefore, based on the primacy of prevention, defending and promoting health and safety at work is a fundamental trade union task that all IMF affiliates should prioritise. Alongside the difficulties to ban well-known hazards, such as asbestos, the introduction of new chemicals and new technologies, without sufficient research, constitutes new threats to the health and well-being of workers.  The precautionary principle should also apply to nanomaterials, the hazardous nature of which has become more apparent in the light of many recent studies. Such precaution is all the more urgent because of the fact that these materials are used in many products, including clothes, cosmetics, composites, automobiles, spectacles, paint etc.Occupational cancer is by far the most common work-related cause of death. It is a problem that does not ring alarm bells for corporate executives who only answer to shareholders at annual general meetings. Causes are covered up, bodies are buried, companies evade legal liabilities, and the killing continues as a result of preventable and predictable work-place exposures. The IMF and affiliates must increase efforts to stop this from happening. It is essential to have effective health and safety committees in every workplace with knowledge of the workplace-specific hazards. Preventive actions must be based on research, evidence and strong health and safety laws that are properly promoted and enforced.  Health and safety is a very important issue for trade unions.  In general, organized workplaces are safer workplaces with better working conditions.The international trade union movement must work in order to ensure that ILO conventions and codes of practice are incorporated into national legislation and collective bargaining agreements, and are respected in practice. The IMF will encourage affiliates to develop organising strategies around safer and better workplaces. Such strategies can be linked to the campaign for decent work. The campaign for decent work should be extended to include the pursuit of fixed wages and permanent employment contracts, healthy and family-friendly working hours, protection against excessive demands on performance, the preservation of the workers' employability, preventive and participatory health and safety, and training and development.The IMF will:<ul><li>Co-operate with ITUC, TUAC and GUFs to ensure that the ILO assists governments, employers and trade unions to improve knowledge and information about existing legislation on health and safety at work;</li><li>Address occupational health and safety at regional, sectoral and company meetings;</li><li>Continue to build the campaign for Zero Occupational Cancer;</li><li>Keep campaigning for an international ban on the production, import, export and use of asbestos; and</li><li>Continue to put pressure on national governments to implement transition programmes for workers displaced by the banning of asbestos, and to ensure that the treatment and compensation costs of workers suffering from asbestos-related diseases are borne by employers.</li></ul>The IMF will assist the affiliates to:<ul><li>Inform and educate instructors on basic workplace health and safety, who will then teach and train stewards at plant level;</li><li>Ensure that effective health and safety committees are set up in all workplaces; </li><li>Use health and safety as a tool for organising workers and building strong unions; and</li><li>Develop strategies around HIV/Aids and other new epidemics.</li></ul>

<ol type="A"><li>The Finance Committee shall be composed of six (6) members of the Executive Committee plus the President, the Vice President and the General Secretary.</li><li>The Finance Committee members shall designate in writing to the General Secretary their substitutes within 60 days after the conclusion of the Congress. The substitutes are to be confirmed by the Executive Committee. If a Finance Committee member is unable to attend a meeting, the officially designated substitute shall attend the meeting.</li><li>Two members of the Auditing Committee shall attend the Finance Committee meetings as observers.</li><li>The Finance Committee shall discuss and make recommendations to the Executive Committee on the following: <ol type="i"><li>Long-term financial planning.</li><li>Analysis of IMF income needs.</li><li>Review annual budgets.</li><li>Establish terms of reference for collective bargaining negotiations with staff in Geneva.</li></ol></li><li>The Finance Committee shall meet as often as needed, but at least once a year.</li></ol>

5.     The Finance Committee

<ol type="A"><li><div>The Congress shall elect an Auditing Committee consisting of four persons, who need not be delegates to the Central Committee.</div></li><li><div>The Auditing Committee shall oversee both external and internal audits as well as related procedures, policies, and methods utilised for such audits, and issue a report to the Central and Executive Committees. The Committee shall also undertake other responsibilities as directed by the Executive Committee.</div></li><li><div>Responsibility for accepting the financial accounts of the General Secretary and the Executive Committee rests with the Central Committee.</div></li></ol>

6.     The Auditing Committee

<ol><li>The location of the Federation's Headquarters shall be determined by the Congress.</li></ol>

ARTICLE 1 - PURPOSE OF THE FEDERATION

ARTICLE 2 - MISSION OF THE FEDERATION

ARTICLE 3 - STRUCTURE OF THE FEDERATION

ARTICLE 4 -- EXECUTING BODIES OF THE FEDERATION

ARTICLE 5 - DUTIES OF THE PRESIDENT

ARTICLE 6 - NATIONAL SECTIONS AND COMMITTEES

ARTICLE 7 - ADMISSION

ARTICLE 8 - FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTIONS

ARTICLE 9 - SUBSCRIPTIONS IN ARREARS AND EXONERATIONS

ARTICLE 10 - REVISION OF RULES

ARTICLE 11 - IMF HEADQUARTERS

<ol><li>The International Metalworkers' Federation can be dissolved only by a two-thirds majority of the Congress.  In such a case, the last Congress shall decide on the use of any remaining funds.</li></ol>

ARTICLE 12 - DISSOLUTION OF THE FEDERATION

Although contact and trade between China and Africa dates back to the 15th century and indirect trade some 3000 years, China has not played the same role of dominance and destruction in Africa as the traditional colonial powers. China's modern engagement begins after the 1949 revolution. During the cold war period China supported Africa's liberation movements the impact of which however was undermined by the destructive effects of the cold war on Africa and rivalry between China and the Soviet Union in their dealings with the continent. Chinese involvement in Africa has been relatively limited for the past few decades during the time of domination of the Washington Consensus. This is changing. Most agree that this renewed engagement in Africa is driven by China's economic needs for raw materials to fuel industrialization and markets. In this way it has similarities to the European scramble for Africa in the 19th Century and subsequent colonial and neo colonial periods and is quite different from China's previous engagement which tended to be more ideological. If China's motivation for engagement with Africa is now similar to that of the West, what are the likely direct and indirect impacts into the future and how different will these be from what Africa has come to be used to from the West? The indirect impact of China's growth, and India's for that matter, has already been significant for Africa. China has grown by 9% per year for the last 10 years. China's need for raw materials is indeed very large. China alone was responsible for 40% of the global increase in oil demand between 2000 and 2004. As a number of observers have commented, the change in foreign engagement by China is quite visible at the point at which China became a net oil importer towards the beginning of the decade. Africa has certainly started to gain indirectly from the growth of China and India's economies and markets. As these economies demand huge quantities of raw materials the price of these commodities has gone up. Africa as a supplier of raw materials has benefited. According to the African Economic Outlook Sub-Saharan Africa's real GDP (i.e. after inflation) increased by an average of 4.4% in 2001-04, 5.5% in 2005 and is expected to increase further in 2006/7, as compared with 2.6% between 1998 and 2000. But growth has not been equal, with the same publication pointing out that oil exporting countries faired better than other countries. The other caution is that whilst there has been significant economic growth this has been slow to impact on social indicators. Opinions on the potential impact of more direct forms of Sino-African engagement are quite divided. One argument says, it is a bad thing that will lead to erosion of rights and a swamping of Chinese goods and labour into Africa taking African opportunities for local industrial development and jobs. This opinion is explained by deputy chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs Moletisi Mbeki in 2005, saying, "Africa sells raw materials to China and China sells manufactured products to Africa. This is a dangerous equation that reproduces Africa's old relationship with colonial powers. The equation is not sustainable for a number of reasons. First Africa needs to preserve its natural resources to use in the future for its own industrialisation. Secondly China's export strategy is contributing to the de-industrialisation of some middle-income countries." Others feel that China presents a new development model for Africa. This view tends to see China as a salvation for Africa in terms of infrastructure development and relatively condition free loans to cash strapped African Governments still labouring under years of failed policy interventions of the international finance institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and many western donors and their agencies. Whilst China's growth in influence clearly is beginning to provide an alternative to the Washington consensus, that has achieved nothing but deepening poverty and misery in Africa, there are also some cautions being sounded here.   One such caution states that the undemocratic nature of China which is still enjoying significant growth would serve as a support for undemocratic regimes in Africa who are able to argue that democracy is not a precursor for development. Zimbabwe's Look East campaign a case in point, Sudan another questionable engagement. It of course depends on whether you define development in terms of social indicators or GDP. Liberal democracy is not a human development precursor, as Cuba has repeatedly demonstrated and neither is it a guarantee against human and labour rights abuses. Other commentators have pointed to the fact that China's non interference (respect of sovereignty policy) in effect interferes very deeply on the side of ruling elites in divided societies. As such some have argued that India as another rapidly emerging giant, with stronger democratic tendencies also provides alternate models which should be examined. Another caution in regard to the Chinese model as applied to Africa lies in China itself. Stephen Marks in African Perspectives of China in Africa refers to "Even official sources in China and abroad are aware of the social costs of China's free-market great leap forward. Members of the legislature have warned of the country's impending employment crisis and the World Bank has confirmed that China's poor are getting poorer. As for the environment, no less a figure than Pan Yue, deputy director of China's State Environmental Protection Administration, sparked controversy with a recent essay On Socialist Ecological Civilisation when he openly charged that: 'The economic and environmental inequalities caused by a flawed understanding of growth and political achievement, held by some officials, have gone against the basic aims of socialism and abandoned the achievements of Chinese socialism.' The march of neo-liberalism within China and its impact on the Chinese people has advanced hand-in-hand with China's growing imperialist role abroad." The unemployment crisis he refers to as reported in China's daily on line is 34.5 million people new entrants to the labour market between 2006-2010. To balance this impression, bear in mind China's economically active population is around 760 million, approximately half of whom are agriculturally based, while the total population is 1.3 billion, again about half of whom are agriculturally based. China measures unemployment in urban areas. Unemployment in urban areas has increased from 3.1% in 1999 to 4.2% in 2005. Dorothy Guerrero makes a similar point arguing, "China is now the world's fourth-largest economy and many developing countries envy its record of economic progress. However, China's phenomenal growth is producing a big misconception in that it is viewed as a big winner of globalisation. Although it is true that market reforms and China's opening to the global economy gave millions of people there an increased standard of living, more Chinese people are suffering the consequences of its rapid transition to a market-based economy. The majority of the Chinese people are not too concerned about when China will become the world's largest economy. Rather, they are asking, 'When will the benefits of China's rise to superpower status start to affect our lives positively?" Another argument that has been raised is the human and labour rights abuses commonly associated with Chinese investment. The reality is whilst the track record of many of these companies is appalling it is probably in terms of global impact quite small in comparison to the violations committed all over the world by western MNCs. While some companies have reformed their public image in fear of loosing market share or investment this has largely meant the use of subcontracted supply chains where the pressure around production targets and delivery guarantees the abuse of worker and social rights in any event. The corporations then cynically deny responsibility. Similarly China increasingly makes noises about improving human and labour rights issues as they become more integrated global players. On the eve of the First Africa summit the state council, China's cabinet, issued 'Nine Principles' to 'Encourage and Standardise Enterprises' Overseas Investment'. The principles require Chinese companies operating overseas to 'abide by local laws, bid contracts on the basis of transparency and equality, protect the labour rights of local employees, protect the environment, implement corporate responsibilities and so on'. As state backed companies from china begin to brand and become global players they too will become more sensitive publicly to these issues as result of market influences. In both instances though, the system that drives these superficial changes is itself brutal, quite literally inhuman, always answering to the logic of competition and increasing returns. In time there will be little to distinguish these investment forms save perhaps the tendency for China to want to export labour along with investment and development initiatives. There is also a position that the west has never done as well as the economies developing in the east in providing goods cheap enough for Africans to buy. Bicycles, blankets etc. The West has however dumped huge quantities of used clothes, used cars, used parts, used machinery, used computers and the list goes on, on Africa. All have made these commodities more accessible to people, still allowing a tidy profit off of the waste of these societies. Against these two sets of goods, cheap consumer goods from the vast and often super exploitative factories of the east and the scraps of the societies of the west, African industrial development has not progressed. People must buy these cheap things as they have no jobs to buy anything else whilst the price of the things we really need; houses electricity, water and health care go up and become more unreachable. People live in debt to buy the few consumer items they can and in the mean time the social fabric of communities is constantly broken down by competition for scarce jobs and resources. The rolling back of public service provision has only aggravated this situation.   Whilst there are clear similarities to be found in the motives, practices and potential impacts of Chinese and Western contemporary engagement with Africa the introduction of an alternate power centre (for trade and development engagements) and rising commodity prices certainly presents some significant strategic opportunities for Africa. The stranglehold International Finance Institutions and economic imperialist nations have had on economic policy for over two decades is being challenged. More capital should be available as well as technical cooperation. Increased prices mean a stronger bargaining position in trade terms as well. Achieving positive social benefits from this window of opportunity will however very much depend on Africa's ruling elite making decisions and taking actions that serve the people and not those of their own pockets and/or egos or the interests of the traditional and emerging global economic dynasties. Internal trade and development must play a central role in spreading the benefits across countries in Africa to avoid these opportunities simply creating new enclaves of wealth and power in an otherwise sea of poverty and destitution. Civil society in Africa has an historical role to play in ensuring this.

China In Africa 

Meeting the challenges of trade and interaction with China, India and the West, is at a key turning point right now. There are many threats and some strategic opportunities. To grab these opportunities in the interests of ordinary African people and not ruling elites as happened at the last turning point of independence there are some key prerequisites. Firstly accountability of our own governments to us the people, regardless of institutional democratic form, must be enforced. Secondly self importance in leadership must end as it divides leaders from their people. This issue of self importance extends into civil society and our trade union formations and it is here that the Big Man/Women syndrome must begin to die out. Heroes are good role models sometimes, but worshiping heroes gives all of people's power and responsibility away, as it undermines our self-worth and reliance on collective action. Then there is unity and self reliance. If Africa was united now it would be a superpower (yes a poor one) but one that could represent its own interests in dealing with China, India and the West. If Africa is to develop we must do it and nobody else. We understand historically what has led us to this point and how Africa has been systematically undermined, marginalized exploited and imprisoned by the interests of other nations often in the guise of assistance. The lesson should be clear development must come from within. No superpower, no matter who, can or will do this for us. This is a mindset that must change starting with small things and growing to how our governments interact with us and other states. As links with China and India grow and the policy stranglehold of the west is loosened, civil society must take a powerful and central role in these developments. It is African civil society that must explore and engage in a spirit of unity of purpose with civil society in Asia. This is an essential power balance against the oligarchic tendencies that will always exist between Capital and ruling groups regardless of their intentions. Our culture has to come to the front. This will be the single biggest step on the road to equality. Language is a key part of this. As Kwesi Kwaa Prah says, "it is not possible to develop Africa grounded in languages like English, French and Portuguese, or Arabic for that matter. Africans have to realise that the cultural base for development has to be their own. That is not to say they should not learn other languages, no, but they must make their languages the centre of all development efforts." If we do these things we will engage the world face to face in the interests of all African people.

Trrroublemaker...Africa's Development is in Our Hands

SEWUN IMF affiliates from Nigeria since 2005, is a product of a merger of 5 small unions since 2000, the union has not yet been able to concretely integrate the staff members and to consolidate the union structures. Presently, there are 45 staff members servicing 28 000 members. This ratio imbalance is problematic for the union in terms of the needs of workers. Some of the causes of the union's problems include weak union structures, lack of coherent union strategy, lack of trained leadership and staff, unable to deal with new challenges and resistance by the old leadership to adapt to new realities. The effects of these problems are shown in low union membership, unsustainable union strategy, lack of resources to service members, lack of influence on the industry in the labour movement and  lack of perspective and action plan to build up the union. The Nigerian government has recently passed laws that encourage the establishment of other national centres and unions. In June 2007, a strategic planning meeting was held in Lagos, Nigeria for SEWUN [Steel and Engineering Workers Union of Nigeria]. Key outcomes were the need for strong leadership and for SEWUN to organise and build strong structures to service members, or else the union might lose members to small and right wing unions. Other outcomes included the set up of a Constitutional Review Committee to look into the development and contribution of each sector within the union. In October 2007 an evaluation meeting was arranged with NUMSA, IMF, Finnish Metall and SASK to assess how far SEWUN has progressed in terms of a project that had been established to assist SEWUN. However, representatives found SEWUN in crisis. Division amongst the leadership into two factions and the lack of trust, accountability and transparency lay at the core of the issue.   IMF and NUMSA tried to assist the factions  to resolve the problems that had resulted in the division of the union and it was also necessary for the Registrar of Trade Unions to become involved.   After much discussions an agreement emerged that provided space for the unanimous resolution of the crisis in  SEWUN with the following provisions: 1) The leadership that has been dismissed through the crisis should be re-instated. 2) All posts created during the crisis should be dissolved 3) There is agreement that there is only ONE Metal Sector within SEWUN 4) All resolutions reached by both parties in the wake of the crisis stand dissolved 5) All parties should work together, in true cooperation, for the improved growth of the union and to provide effective services for members Some of the recommendations from NUMSA and the IMF that emerged from the meeting are as follows: a) The unions should have weekly meetings because meetings are important to keep abreast of new developments within the union and even though not everybody will be available for weekly meetings, the meetings should be recorded [notes taken] so that people can have access to the proceedings. b) The outcomes of these meetings must be conveyed to the IMF for progress purposes c) Correspondence to the regional office must be done on a monthly basis d) Communication between leadership needs to be improved e) The Constitutional Review Committee process needs to be speeded up with resource, external experienced person  required to assist within this process by the IMF f) All parties should be committed to the agreement and the resolutions need to be adopted with immediate effect There was agreement between NUMSA, Finnish Metall, SASK and the IMF that the problems within SEWUN can, with hard work and commitment,  be solved and that the unity that the agreement provides for, is one that can be achieved. Such factions in leadership does not serve the best interest of workers that can only benefit from strong united representation. it is hoped that this will be a lasting resolution that will serve to strengthen SEWUN for metalworkers in Nigeria

Crisis In SEWUN Resolved With The Assistance Of IMF And NUMSA

Text / Congress communications team The 32nd IMF World Congress held in Gothenburg, Sweden, demonstrated both the value and increasing need for global cooperation between metalworking unions. Over four days, nearly 800 union leaders from all over the world were brought together to debate common strategies to improve the working lives and conditions of metalworkers globally.The current global economic crisis and the serious difficulties working people face was a major topic of discussion at Congress. It was noted by several speakers that the crisis is of historic proportions and what began in the financial markets has reached the metal industry, representing a huge threat to workers' jobs and income security.Commenting on the crisis, keynote speaker Heiner Flassbeck, former deputy finance minister in Germany, now head of UNCTAD's Division on Globalization and Development Strategies, argued that governments must step in and regulate markets and that deflation, especially wage deflation, must be avoided. "A reduction of wages is the biggest threat to the economy. For that reason wage deflation must be avoided at all cost," he said.Congress delegates were united in their call on governments and corporations to urgently engage with unions to find socially acceptable and equitable solutions to the global economic crisis, adopting a declaration on the subject.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=20057&mwId=20047&l=2">forward >></a> </td></tr></tbody></table>

The 32nd IMF World Congress took place in Gothenburg at the end of May. The financial crisis and a global response from metalworkers to ensure secure jobs for a secure future was the central theme during discussions, resulting in the adoption of a four year Action Programme.

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Global solidarity in action

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3.1 Build strong national trade unions

3.3.3 Fight for safe workplaces

5. The Finance Committee

6. The Auditing Committee

ARTICLE 11 - IMF HEADQUARTERS

ARTICLE 12 - DISSOLUTION OF THE FEDERATION

China In Africa

Trrroublemaker...Africa's Development is in Our Hands

Crisis In SEWUN Resolved With The Assistance Of IMF And NUMSA

Global solidarity in action

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