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19 August, 2009
Gomomo started working at Volkswagen in Uitenhage in the Eastern Cape in the 1960s. At that time it was illegal for African workers to join trade unions. Racism was rife and divisions in the workplace on access to benefits and skills mirrored that of the apartheid state.
Yet Daniel Dube, Numsa's first president elected in 1987, remembers that. "The success of Gomomo was in bringing together different racial groups with different politics -- some supported Matanzima and the homelands policy, many coloureds supported the apartheid government's tri- cameral policy. He made them focus on the power that they have got inside the factory irrespective of their different skin colours. By focusing on the improvement of their basic working conditions inside the factory, these improved conditions would spill over to their social set-up."
This unity could be seen when Gomomo and other shop stewards called meetings of all workers at KwaNobuhle (African township in Uitenhage). "They would gather at Jabavu Stadium and you would see everyone - Africans, coloureds and a few whites. ." says Dube.
Because VW was a multinational with its headquarters in Germany, Gomomo started to play a strong leadership role and linked with the VW works council in Gothenburg, where the main VW factory was, as well as other cities in Germany. As international links were strengthened he learned first hand the importance of strong worker to worker contact across continents and countries. "Gomomo was the public face of South African workers at German metal union, IG Metall and of course Volkswagen in particular," says researcher Chris Bolsmann. "His relationship with German activists, unionists, officials and Works Council members was crucial in ensuring the Uitenhage plant and apartheid more generally remained an important focus in German circles."
But Gomomo was not a 'clock card' shop steward. His concerns for his members stretched beyond the factory floor. "Gomomo was one of the prominent leaders in the community in guiding and advising," says Dube. He helped to ensure that organised workers took up community complaints and used workplace pressure on workers' companies to put pressure on local government to resolve the problems. And in communities he, with others, encouraged the formation of street and area committees to strengthen democracy within the community.
For all these efforts he suffered personally. His house was petrol bombed and he narrowly escaped injury. Such was fellow VW workers' concern and respect for their leader that "they took it upon themselves to protect Gomomo -- they would sleep inside his yard night after night," remembers Dube.
And when the security police tried to detain him, they came up against the might of VW workers. If Gomomo was detained early in the morning "by 9am the whole of VW had stopped work and were marching to security police offices in Uitenhage," says Dube. Workers would threaten VW management that they would only resume work once he was released. "And now VW was under pressure because the German head office would not allow the factory to stand still because of anti-apartheid pressure on German companies!" So by 12 midday he would be released. "No other leader in Uitenhage ever enjoyed that kind of support!"
As vice president of Naawu he played a leading role in the unity talks that resulted in the formation of Cosatu in 1985 and later when 7 metalworkers combined to form Numsa in 1987.
His commitment to worker control and democracy was to be tested during the mid-1990s when Cosatu became part of the tri-partite alliance and had to deal with new government policies like its new economic policy GEAR that promised growth and employment. As Cosatu president, Gomomo famously responded that for workers GEAR meant putting the economy into 'reverse GEAR!'
Even when he was elected to parliament on an ANC ticket in 1999, "he used to take on the ANC caucus," says one time Numsa vice president, and now ANC MP Danny Oliphant. "He would take on the ANC leadership from the president right down to the ministers when issues weren't addressed properly. He was not happy with the implementation of the labour laws."
At the time of his death in January 2008 he was chairperson of the Portfolio on Public Service and Administration in parliament.
Adapted from an article in Numsa News No 1 March 2008 Photo: William Matlala
Yet Daniel Dube, Numsa's first president elected in 1987, remembers that. "The success of Gomomo was in bringing together different racial groups with different politics -- some supported Matanzima and the homelands policy, many coloureds supported the apartheid government's tri- cameral policy. He made them focus on the power that they have got inside the factory irrespective of their different skin colours. By focusing on the improvement of their basic working conditions inside the factory, these improved conditions would spill over to their social set-up."
This unity could be seen when Gomomo and other shop stewards called meetings of all workers at KwaNobuhle (African township in Uitenhage). "They would gather at Jabavu Stadium and you would see everyone - Africans, coloureds and a few whites. ." says Dube.
Because VW was a multinational with its headquarters in Germany, Gomomo started to play a strong leadership role and linked with the VW works council in Gothenburg, where the main VW factory was, as well as other cities in Germany. As international links were strengthened he learned first hand the importance of strong worker to worker contact across continents and countries. "Gomomo was the public face of South African workers at German metal union, IG Metall and of course Volkswagen in particular," says researcher Chris Bolsmann. "His relationship with German activists, unionists, officials and Works Council members was crucial in ensuring the Uitenhage plant and apartheid more generally remained an important focus in German circles."
But Gomomo was not a 'clock card' shop steward. His concerns for his members stretched beyond the factory floor. "Gomomo was one of the prominent leaders in the community in guiding and advising," says Dube. He helped to ensure that organised workers took up community complaints and used workplace pressure on workers' companies to put pressure on local government to resolve the problems. And in communities he, with others, encouraged the formation of street and area committees to strengthen democracy within the community.
For all these efforts he suffered personally. His house was petrol bombed and he narrowly escaped injury. Such was fellow VW workers' concern and respect for their leader that "they took it upon themselves to protect Gomomo -- they would sleep inside his yard night after night," remembers Dube.
And when the security police tried to detain him, they came up against the might of VW workers. If Gomomo was detained early in the morning "by 9am the whole of VW had stopped work and were marching to security police offices in Uitenhage," says Dube. Workers would threaten VW management that they would only resume work once he was released. "And now VW was under pressure because the German head office would not allow the factory to stand still because of anti-apartheid pressure on German companies!" So by 12 midday he would be released. "No other leader in Uitenhage ever enjoyed that kind of support!"
As vice president of Naawu he played a leading role in the unity talks that resulted in the formation of Cosatu in 1985 and later when 7 metalworkers combined to form Numsa in 1987.
His commitment to worker control and democracy was to be tested during the mid-1990s when Cosatu became part of the tri-partite alliance and had to deal with new government policies like its new economic policy GEAR that promised growth and employment. As Cosatu president, Gomomo famously responded that for workers GEAR meant putting the economy into 'reverse GEAR!'
Even when he was elected to parliament on an ANC ticket in 1999, "he used to take on the ANC caucus," says one time Numsa vice president, and now ANC MP Danny Oliphant. "He would take on the ANC leadership from the president right down to the ministers when issues weren't addressed properly. He was not happy with the implementation of the labour laws."
At the time of his death in January 2008 he was chairperson of the Portfolio on Public Service and Administration in parliament.
Adapted from an article in Numsa News No 1 March 2008 Photo: William Matlala